SPEECH
OF THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Mr. GEORGE A. PAPANDREOU

"TAKSIM ROUND TABLE"

Istanbul October 3, 1999


“We must seize the opportunity”

    I have come to Turkey only a few weeks after a tragic event. That of a catastrophic earthquake. Allow my first words to be those of condolescences, those of shared sorrow, those of heartfelt grief towards the families who lost their loved ones. Allow me to begin with these words of sympathy to those who today are struggling to re-build their homes, those who may have to look for new jobs, those who are painfully beginning to recreate families or even must re-start their lives. Let me humbly dedicate this evening’s speech to them.

    In doing so I believe I express our feelings – not only in this room – but on both sides of the Aegean.  Feelings of support and solidarity to both the Turks and the Greeks who were hit so hard.

    But I also dedicate this speech to them for another reason. Out of this tragedy came a very strong message. A message we must not ignore, we cannot ignore.

    Can we decipher this message? It certainly was about human solidarity in face of a natural and partly man made tragedy. But not only. They have dared to think what we politicians had believed was impossible. They have gone beyond our diplomatic manouevres. They took – for a moment – a glorious moment – diplomacy into their own hands. In understanding that they indeed do have the power to influence their lives, their future, their community they have sent us a message of democracy. And I believe they must continue to do so.

    In working closely together – the AKUT with the EMAK – the doctors, nurses, military personel, civilian volunteers, mayors, athletes, businessmen and women, journalists, engineers and academics, average citizens, they have shouted to us politicians: go beyond your stereotypes, abandon your prejudices, forget your cliches, stop your slogans, avoid your warmongering, stop perpetuating fear and despair and begin producing security and hope for a peaceful future between our two countries.

    I have listened very carefully to this message. I am ready to abide by it. But I can do– or what Ismail Cem might do- will not be enough. Peace and cooperation will not come about without the support of many. There will certainly be voices that will try to bring us back to where we were. Who stake their political careers on the existence of an enemy on the other side. There will be problems and difficulties in a windy road towards rapprochement and understanding. Time will be needed to understand if our interests coincide or can be complementary and not antagonistic. Time will be needed to create the necessary trust where trust has been lacking or even non-existent.

    However if we do not try we will one day look back and say – we had an opportunity – a great opportunity – but our fear, our prejudices and presumptions did not allow us to take that extra step, to make that extra effort, to dare to hope.

    We may succeed. Yet we may not. But I believe we will at least have tried. And we will have opened new venues for those who follow.

    It is our obligation to work towards what our people demand. Our peoples demand peace. They demand cooperation. They demand that we work towards our common interests.

    In order to do this our first obligation – is to speak honestly to each-other – I will do so tonight. I want to put to you a number of issues. Issues that I feel have divided us. I will be sincere. That I believe is the first rule of developing a good friendship and a relationship of trust. We may differ but let us be honest with each other.

    I begin on our bilateral relations: In Greece there is widespread belief that Turkey has as it’s ultimate goal to change the status quo of the Aegean and incorparate a large number of greek islands and territory into it’s own realm.

    At best it is believed that there are designs, through explicit or implicit threats of war, that the Turkish establishment is attempting to ‘dominate’ Greece a ‘finlandization’ of relations.

    Statements that have been made in the recent past, the military operation on Imia, the Causus Belli concerning the 12 mile territorial waters, combined with the continued occupation of the Northern part of Cyprus by Turkey has created this impression.

    Secondly, as regards to Cyprus,  we truly do not understand what the real goals of Turkey are or what fears exist  for the turkish – cypriot community that in any way could justify the continued presence of Turkish troops. We therefore see this continued presence as a threat to the greek-cypriot community which then must be protected by our common defense cooperation. Do not forget beyond the strong feelings of injustice done to the people and the island – the actual invasion in 1974 resulted in many greek-cypriots losing loved ones,  their families  their property. This remains an open wound and a source of continued insecurity.

    We also feel that the solution that Mr. Denktash proposes on Cyprus is not viable. His proposal will never allow the people of Cyprus – turkish or greek – to live in a secure and prosperous environment. Furthermore his proposals will continue to create tension between Greece and Turkey. In essence Mr Denktash is proposing, whether he calls it con-federation or not, a double union. By this I mean that in both cases (the confederation or the double union) when the greek – cypriots look towards the turkish community they will see,  hiding behind them – both Turkey and the Turkish military. They will therefore continue to ask for the support of Greece and the Greek military forces. That also means that when the turkish –cypriots look towards the greek-cypriots they will see both Greece and the greek military hiding behind them. That also means that they will constantly be seeking the support of Turkey and her military capacities.

    Denktash’s formula is one that will naturally lead to military escalation, future crises and instability not only for the Cypriots but for both Greece and Turkey – as it has over the last decades.

    Denktash makes another mistake. The real problem is not between greek-cypriots and turkish-cypriots. I truly believe that the two communities can find a thousand solutions that will allow them to live together peacefully. If only we allow them to. If Greece and Turkey were to cooperate on the Cyprus problem it would not be to impose a solution of our own, but it should be to help the two communities, along with the international community, the necessry international peace force and the EU structures to deal with their problems, their lives, their island on their own. With all the necessary guarantees,  that all are safe, equal and with theircitizens appropriately represented and human rights protected. The messsage from the earthquake is that no walls, no fault line, no green line can withstand the true friendship and common solidarity that can exist between our two peoples.

    If we sincerely want to move ahead both demilitarization of the island ( a positive proposal by President Clerides) and allowing greek-cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots to visiti the other side, develop relations, even in a limited way initially could help to break prejudices and suspicions.

    What I am saying simply is that in both the issues of territorial claims by Turkey and of Cyprus I believe that we must test our preconceptions and prejudices. If it is true for example that Turkey has no territorial claims on Greece – as Primeminister Ecevit recently stated – a very positive statement – and the whole philology on such things as ‘grey zones’ or ‘rock formations’ has nothing to do with real claims and is simply an expression of fear towards envisioned Greek territorial claims, or the fear that we may want to close off Turkey from the Aegean Sea, then our new opening and relaitonship will soon flourish. If on the other hand there is a true desire to undermine the status quo, change borders and claim new territory (something which I believe and will work to prove – is not in Turkey’s short or long term interest) then the warming of our relationship will be short lasted. But we must try. We must put ourselves to the test.

    In this process there are a number of preconditions that I think both sides must keep in mind:

  1. First, we must avoid generating high expectations. And we must see this process as a long term one. What happens if those high expectations are not met? On the other hand, we must maintain our hopes high. This means that we must produce results. Patience can be expected but not forever. This requires striking a delicate balance between realism and the vision.
  1. Secondly, we need the active and balanced involvement of international actors (mainly the NATO, EU) in the confidence-building process. However it will be primarily our duty, our responsibility to move ahead. Whatever others may say or do – in the end we will matter.
  1. We need to avoid certain types of regional disputes, which, by default, might drag the two countries into opposite camps. In fact we should work together to help solve regional problems – whether they be in Kosovo, the Caucasus or the Middle East.
  1. Both leaderships must make an effort to understand the political and economic costs of the continued confrontation of our two countries. In fact we must see how a new relationship of peace will lead to the cutback in defense spending which will be invested in priorities in the field of social, welfare and development programs.
  1. There must be a political will on both sides to improve bilateral relations in a non-violent manner. Non-aggression means dialogue, it also means that we have established other rules to deal with whatever bilateral issues may arise. These rules are enshrined in our treaties, international law and international legal bodies. This is the sine qua non for the success of all such endeavors.
  1. Extreme voices on either side must not carry us away. We must not allow temporary failures to blur our vision of the future. We must have the patience and will to continue under difficult conditions.
  1. Finally we must seek creative solutions within the context of both our countries being part of a larger European family. Greece being a member and Turkey being an  aspiring member.


 Greek-Turkish Relations towards the New Millenium

    Recently, together with my Turkish counterpart, Ismael Cem, we have established a number of committees to discuss certain issues aiming at bringing our countries closer.  It is hoped that this rapprochement will allow us, to establish the confidence, to seek out our real intentions and if they are truly benevolent, to tackle some of the issues that are dividing us.

    Last week, at the United Nations General Assembly, I joined hands with my Turkish counterpart to support a joint effort between our two countries to help the United Nations respond to natural disasters. That Turkey and Greece are suddenly able to work together on this particular issue -- which affects human lives -- reveals the brightness of the light that now shines down on both our countries.

    I personally reject the idea that we are locked into an “age-old” enmity, that we are part of the so-called clash of civilizations. I believe that the aspirations of our two peoples for the principles of democracy, security and prosperity will overcome historical strife. We must not be slaves to history.

    It is my duty to work to overcome the existing “psychological barriers” in Greek-Turkish relations. A reduction of mutual suspicion is an essential first step toward peace and stability. Unfortunately, this is easier said than done. Reducing suspicion will not happen overnight. It is a long-term process, and, as such, beyond the time-horizon of most, if not all, governments. There is also a basic lack of knowledge among the Greek and Turkish people about each other on issues other than foreign and security policy, especially about culture and religion. We therefore need to enhance cooperation between our peoples and NGO’s. This is something that we have encouraged during our ongoing dialogue between our two ministries. We also need to have more communication as we are doing tonight. I am here not only to speak but also to hear your suggestions.

    This is the new spirit I am talking about. A year ago nobody would have even thought in this manner.

    It is our responsibility to build on whatever goodwill has been created between our two peoples in the last few months.
That is why I demand it of myself to work toward peace between our two countries. And if I can demand it of myself, I can demand it of all of you here today.

    I believe that -- ten years after the fall of the Berlin Wall – with however the last wall remaining in Cyprus - we are witnessing a new trend not only in Greek-Turkish relations but in South Eastern Europe as a whole. From Cyprus to Bosnia, “a collection of moments” and events is providing for a ray of hope that, one day, a united Balkans and South Eastern Europe will belong to a united Europe. This Europe must be based on the principles of democracy, respect for minorities with parallel respect for borders and territorial integrity, security and growth. This is in fact the essence of the “Stability Pact, which we are promoting for the Region. Can we dare see that far?  Better yet, do we dare not to?

TURKEY’S EUROPEAN ORIENTATION

    Greece strongly supports Turkey’s European perspective and intends to play a leading role in this effort.  Greece believes – that if Turkey wishes so - Turkey can become a country that espouses and practices common European values. We are sincere in our support of Turkey’s membership in the European Union.

    Greece is opposed to the notion that in the case of Turkey cultural and religious criteria should be applied to membership. We support the idea of a democratic and secular Turkey with her own separate cultural characteristics.

    However we do not believe in giving Turkey a ‘virtual’ candidacy. Candidacy for Turkey must be real, with real perspectives, both rights and obligations as a candidate or not at all.

    Note that the strategic development of Euro-Turkish relations is not dictated by Greece but rather by the entire European Union. This means that Europe requires the fulfillment of three essential conditions:

    (a) political and economic reforms, including the alignment of human rights standards and practices an those in force in the European union and respect for and protection of minorities,

    (b) the establishment of satisfactory and stable relations between our two countries and the settlement of disputes in accordance with the International Law.

    (c) Finally, I would be remiss if I didn’t touch upon something, which we cannot seem to get away from. We hope that Turkey will make an active contribution to a just and lasting settlement of the Cyprus question -- in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions.  Greece envisions a multicultural Balkans; we are all striving to see Cyprus as a federal state with a single sovereignty, a single citizenship, and a united, demilitarized, independent country with its territorial integrity safe from encroachments and with no foreign troops on its soil. Cyprus’ accession to the European Union certainly benefits both communities living on the island.

    (d) If both communities decide to participate in the EU -under one roof – then there will certainly be huge benfits to the Turkish – Cypriot community as well as to Turkey herself.

    We invite the Turkish-Cypriots, in the spirit of a newfound friendship between Greeks and Turks to grab the historical opportunity and break down the last “Wall” that artificially divides these people.

CONCLUSION

    We live in a region loaded with bitter sweet history, a region where conflict and insecurity have stifled our peoples. We are doing our part to promote peace. Democracy, security, and prosperity constitute our primary goals for they will deliver our vision.  These goals seem more tangible today than ever before.

    The end of the Cold War has showed us that a civil space exists, defined by an ever deeper and ever wider European Union of states. The use of force has lost its past legitimacy. In this civil and common space Greece and Turkey have the ability to live in peace.

    I for one am committed to peace.  We must all commit ourselves to such a future. Our personal stakes are high, for the dangers before us are significant.  Yet we must dare to forge ahead.

    (Solomos) And all of a sudden from the rift created by the earthquake flowers began to blossom. We need to nurture these flowers so that they become a true message of peace, a message of hope, a message of true friendship between our two countries.

    I hope that the day comes when our visions will overcome our fears and hopes will become reality.
 

Thank you
 


Photos

ALSO : INAUGURAL SPEECH AT THE UNIVERSITY OF ISTANBUL GIVEN BY GEORGE A. PAPANDREOU MINISTER OF FOREIGN  AFFAIRS FOR GREECE