Greece is a southeastern European and Mediterranean country situated at a traditional crossing point of countries and civilizations. We strive for the creation of a 21st century free from the war scourges of the past, for an era when the peoples of our region and of Europe will consume their energy for progress and prosperity. Towards this goal Greece bears a special responsibility. As the only country member in our periphery of both the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization we have to function as a link towards Europe and we must contribute, so that the conflicts of the past become a memory. It is of paramount importance that the matetialization of this vision rests upon the respect of International Law, and the principles of the United Nations.


Greece and the European Union

The European Union finds itself faced with acute challenges. As the success of the Maastricht Treaty proved to be somewhat limited, the need for its reevaluation became inevitable. Thus we have entered the period of preparation for the Intergovernmental Conference, a Conference that will shape the institutional framework of the Union for the decades to come.

Furthermore, the enlargement process will broaden the Union itself and will contribute to the creation of a wide integrated European space and a new European security structure without dividing lines.

Main Greek positions at the IGC

I) the issue of flexibility (or enhanced cooperation of some member countries) is the central issue of the whole negotiation and one on which our stand is very reserved. If flexibility is adopted without at least strict delimitations, it could undermine the principle of cohesion, which is of wide importance in the whole philosophy of the Union. We thus believe that alternative available options should first be discussed, e.g. the extension of qualified majority voting. A broad use of transitional periods would alleviate some of the burden that the admission of new members would inevitably signify for the Union, as this was the concern that sparked the whole flexibility discussion.

The European Community Treaty (first pillar, economic issues) is not a proper field for the application of the flexibility principle. In such an event the internal market and the common European policies would be at stake. Flexibility could be envisaged, under strict conditions, for the second and third pillars (foreign policy/defense, Justice/home affairs). These conditions should guarantee that the cooperation would remain open to all the members and that decisions for flexibility on certain fields will be taken unanimously.

II) the IGC should construct the framework for an efficient common foreign and security policy, and the protection of the external borders of the Union and its member states. It must be acknowledged that the meaning of the Treaty would be difficult for the Greek people to conceive, were the above fundamental questions not addressed. On the other hand, the new Treaty should make provision for a strengthened political solidarity between member states.

III) the Conference should adopt a system that works on the basis of institutional equality. We thus oppose proposals that aim at introducing population criteria for the establishment of new voting rules or the modification of the actual system: one commissioner per member state.

Furthermore the new treaty should provide for special care for the island regions of the Union.

Europe, built upon the ideas of social cohesion and justice, and the principle of unified society, has to cope with acute social problems in a world where competitiveness is becoming a universally accepted principle.

We believe that only the evolution of a Europe, free from acute social, and eventually ethnic clashes, guarantees sustained development. We fear that otherwise we will sacrifice for a temporary pursuit of more productivity, productivity itself. This has happened in our country in the past and the repercussions were catastrophical. We should, as Europeans, come forth to the rest of the world and fight for the presevation of principles and for their acceptance by insisting on the creation of a global system where the interrelated issues of social cohesion, human rights and environmental protection would be adressed. When the US Midwest farmers, to quote an example, wanted to support the price of their crop, their main political objective was not the US subsidies, but that their government succeeds in having the E.U. change its Common Agriculture Policy.

The Europe of the future cannot but be a Europe of citizens and social space, a Europe constantly striving both to maintain its place in the world and to resolve acute social problems. Otherwise sustained development will be at risk.

Greece in the Balkans

Our policy in the Balkans is guided by the principles of the respect of international borders, stability, peace and security as well as by the full respect of human and minority rights.

We believe in multilateral cooperation on all levels and to that end the Interbalkan Conference will convene in Thessaloniki in June of this year.

Our cooperation with our northern neighbours also contributes to the goal of their economic, political and security rapprochement with Europe, NATO and other International Institutions.

The materialization of important infrastructure programs, including the North - South transeuropean highway that will connect St. Petersburg, Russia with Alexandroupolis on the Aegean coast of Thrace, and the energy and telecommunications highways, like the Burgas - Alexandroupolis oil pipeline, will help foster a dramatic change to the economic landscape in the region. One need only imagine that the North - South highway will shorten the distance Danube - Aegean Sea to 4 hours.

Undoubtedly, many of our southeastern neighbors must brave a bitter winter passage on their way to western type democracy. Albania suffers an acute crisis on all levels with state authority having been practically abolished in a large part of the country.

Bulgaria is also going through a very difficult economic and social transition, while the war has left deep and multifaceted wounds in the countries of former Yugoslavia.

We believe that the problems of these countries concern the whole of Europe, indeed the international community. For this reason, on February 24th we have submitted to the European Union Council of Ministers, our ideas toward the confrontation of the situation in the Balkans: European Union in cooperation with International Organizations, like the International Monetary Fund, as well as the Credit Institutions, should develop a programme of macroeconomic assistance, humanitarian aid where needed and technical support. If Europe and the world do not meet this challenge with leadership and political vision, social tensions could escalate and peace and stability may also be threatened to the detriment of Europe and the world. Sometimes I am afraid that a certain virus of misperception enters the minds of humans, impeding their ability to predict catastrophes to come. This was clearly evident in the case of the Yugoslavian crisis. We should not permit it to happen again.

I would like to be more analytic with regard to the Albanian crisis.

Our policy towards Albania's stability and security is of paramount importance for my country. Thus, from the outset of the crisis, we developed and materialized bilateral and multilateral policies. On a bilateral level we proceeded with humanitarian aid as well as with a loan of approximately 80 million US $. To this, the continuing remittances of approximately 300,000 Albanian workers in Greece, should be added. It should be stressed that approximately 20% of the Albanian GDP, which comes to about 2.5 billions US $ for 1996, is produced by these workers annually in Greece.

On a multinational basis we led the way, contributing to a coordinated action by the European Union and OSCE, so that all the political forces of the country would come together, that humanitarian aid would be provided, and that the necessary troops would be sent in an effort to help this country return to normality.

Closing with Albania, I want to reiterate our interest in the territorial integrity and the progress of this neighboring country that hosts an important Greek minority.

Our relations with FYROM have been normalized after the signing of the Interim Accord. However, in Skopje it should be acknowledged that Athens expects them to move positively on the issue of the name, so that both political and economic relations enter a sphere of substantial cooperation.

During my recent visit to Skopje and to Belgrade, I discussed the efforts that must be undertaken in order to avoid a spillover of the Albanian crisis.

The end of the war in Yugoslavia with the Dayton Agreement posed the involved nations in the crisis as well as the international community with new responsibilities. The reconstruction, and implementation of the Agreement are the challenges that have to be addressed. Greece is present both with financial aid in the sum of 10 million US $ and with Greek troops in Bosnia.

Greek - Turkish relations

Stability and prosperity in the Eastern Mediterranean presupposes a positive development in Greek - Turkish relations and the solution of the Cyprus issue.

I cannot accept that the question of war is present in our relations with Turkey. With today's global evolutions this is absolutely absurd and contrary to the fundamental interest of both countries and peoples. Our nations are bound by geography to live together in a world rapidly transforming itself to a global village. I'm certain that the future of Greek - Turkish relations must and will be one of cooperation.

However, history, if left unaided by the leadership of the two countries, might require some decades to come to this result. Our task on both sides of the Aegean is to facilitate and accelerate this process and to make sure that no mishaps enter in the meantime.

Furthermore Greece is not opposed to a European role for Turkey. We do not consider that Europe should raise a dividing line based on differences of religion or race.

Yet, in Turkey it should be realized that the European highway means the undertaking of certain obligations: the functioning of democracy, the respect of human rights, the acceptance of International Law as the sole framework for a country's international relations. Turkey can not expect the normalization of our relations, if International Law and Treaties are not observed, and if casus belli declarations are not abandoned.

Greece has accepted the general jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice, so if Turkey believes that she has rights in the Aegean that are not respected (e.g. the Imia case) she can submit her case to this Forum.

The Cyprus issue

The preservation of the Cyprus issue on the International Agenda constitutes a major violation of International Law, a constant factor of instability in the Eastern Mediterranean, and a permanent obstacle for the disentanglement of Greek - Turkish relations.

Twenty three years after the Turkish invasion, part of this sovereign state, member of the United Nations, remains occupied. This is a situation that can not be perpetuated ad infinitum. Today for the first time, there seems to be a light at the end of the tunnel, as negotiations between Cyprus and the European Union will begin six months after the Intergovernmental Conference. This is a process that has brought mobility to the Cyprus problem.

The acceptability of Cyprus in the Union was formally agreed on March 6th, 1995 in Brussels, when the two sides, the European Union and Cyprus, reaffirmed "the suitability of Cyprus for accession to the European Union and confirmed the European Union's will to incorporate Cyprus in the next step of the enlargement and that accession" negotiations will start six months after the conclusion of the I.G.C..

Even though the above agreement verbatim accepts the suitability of Cyprus for accession, some European countries expressed the view that no entry should take place without a prior solution to the problem. The Cypriot, as well as Greek reaction to that position was inevitable, since it is not only contrary to the letter of the agreed, but if accepted, it will mean that no Cyprus entry will take place without Turkey's consent. The accession process and Cyprus with it, would become hostages of Turkey.

Thus our stance, namely that, if some European Union partners decided to block Cyprus's entry on that ground (Cyprus has already fulfilled the tough Maastricht criteria and the actual entry negotiation should not last long), Greece would block the enlargement process, is, I believe, understandable. Should we expect the new Europe not to abide by the principle pacta sunt servanta (the agreed must be respected) and instead to adhere to the position that political incidences determine the Union's positions?

Here it should be stressed that the Turkish-Cypriot Community will greatly benefit from the entry of Cyprus in the Union as the economic difference between occupied and free territories will act in a beneficial way for the economy of the occupied part.

Conclusion

In view of the conditions that have been universally created in the 21st century, foreign policy is closely connected with the economy, environment, culture and education in a united political activity focusing on the individual within the framework of a society that guarantees and enhances the development of these capacities.

My country, and in general the Greek people, is determined to contribute their efforts to this end.