THE IMPACT OF GREEK-TURKISH RAPPROCHEMENT ON THE MEDITERRANEAN

By George A. Papandreou, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Greece

It often takes public opinion on a wide scale to ensure that world leaders act. The devastating earthquakes that shook Turkey and Greece last summer are a case in point. Through their moving expressions of solidarity, the citizens of Greece and Turkey effectively coined a new political term: “seismic diplomacy”.

Through their actions, our citizens gave a powerful message to their respective governments: they urged us to deepen the process of reconciliation and dialogue that had already begun on a diplomatic level. They taught us that mutual interests can and must outweigh tired animosities. As Greek-Turkish rapprochement gathered momentum, ordinary Greeks discovered that they have an important role to play in relation to the people of Turkey, to the citizens of other Balkan nations, and of Europe as a whole.

Rapprochement has to happen step-by-step; but even small steps can yield lasting results, with far-reaching implications. Less than four months later, at the Helsinki summit in December 1999, the EU granted Turkey candidate status.

This decision heralded a significant shift in the foundations of international relations, particularly in the south-eastern Mediterranean. At the dawn of the 21st century, Europe is looking both to the east, and to the Mediterranean south, with a view to enlargement. Greece has always supported enlargement, as a means to build a bridge of security, co-operation, and development between nations. The heart of the European ethos lies in building the institutions and practices of inclusiveness. Greece is committed to embracing all those nations who strive for democracy within their frontiers, and peaceful cooperation beyond them, into the European family. This policy applies as much to Yugoslavia as it does to Turkey.

Greece firmly believes that Europe has much to gain from accepting a European Turkey, so long as Turkey upholds the basic principles that define any modern democracy. That is why Greece initiated a process of constructive dialogue with Turkey - a process that began before the Kosovo crisis and the earthquakes brought us closer through tragedy.

Helsinki did not signal the end of Greece’s efforts: on the contrary, it represents the starting point for new, equally bold, initiatives. In January, I made the first official visit to Turkey by a Greek foreign minister in 37 years, to sign the first of nine agreements with my Turkish counterpart, Ismael Cem. Greece and Turkey have now embarked on a process of cooperation in various fields of common interest, such as trade, tourism, security, illegal immigration, energy, and the environment. These confidence-building measures will create new opportunities for our citizens to work together, for their collective good.

Of course, our bilateral problems have not disappeared; centuries of mistrust cannot be undone overnight. But Greece has chosen to adopt innovative approaches to traditional problems. Greece is wiling to play a constructive role in the democratization and European integration of Turkey. We are willing to share our experience of regional problems and EU affairs to help Turkey achieve European standards and practices quickly. The role of the Greek government will be decisive; so too will the involvement of Greek NGOs, the private sector, local government authorities, and individual citizens. Once we have built a firm basis of cooperation, we can address the critical bilateral issues that have divided us for so long.

EU candidacy brings shared benefits, but also mutual responsibilities. Membership in the European Union is a binding contract that requires economic efficiency and the reduction of military expenditure, in exchange for participation in the greater security of the Union. It calls for the renunciation of unilateral action and submission to the multilateral arbitration of differences. The time has now come for Turkey to prove that her intentions towards Europe are serious.

What does this mean in practice? In Turkey’s case, this means greater political and religious freedom, independence of judiciaries, and free media. It means guarantees for the protection of human rights and minority rights. It means the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, and respect for international law. Greece is worried by Turkey’s incessant violations of Greek airspace and its practice of placing restrictions on the Ecumenical Patriarchate. We are very concerned by the recent arrests of three mayors and the continuing oppression of the Kurdish population in southeast Turkey. On all these counts, Turkey still has to develop the institutions that guarantee compliance with European values and practices.

There are powerful forces in Turkey who favour a less than European approach to regional and bilateral relations. But there are healthy forces too, which we feel a duty to support. Support for Turkey’s accession process will help create the preconditions for new security conditions in the South East Mediterranean, soundly based on the principles and policies of the EU. Many EU members and Mediterranean candidate countries face similar problems. These can be dealt with most effectively within the context of an institutional framework that encourages systematic regional cooperation. Bringing Turkey closer to Europe will inevitably bring greater security to the region.

We hope to capitalize on positive developments to resolve critical issues, such as Cyprus and the continental shelf. The prospect of EU membership for the Democratic Republic of Cyprus, together with the candidate status of Turkey, has created a new regional dynamic. This dynamic can and must produce the osmosis of interests that will spur a resolution to the Cyprus problem.

Cyprus is closest among all EU candidates to fulfilling entry requirements. Yet Turkey continues to occupy 38% of Cyprus with over 30,000 troops. Entry into the European framework would increase the security, stability, and prosperity of both communities on Cyprus. Reconciliation between Greece and Turkey must act as a showcase for Cyprus - a model of peaceful cooperation, which proves that the two communities can live together in harmony, united by a common history, a common destiny. Greece wants the Green Line to be wiped off the map, not because of our historic associations with Cyprus, but because it represents the last relic of the Cold War, and has no place in our global community.

The European Union has a responsibility to help break down the last “Berlin Wall” dividing a European capital, through its institutional and legal mechanisms. If the EU intends to make a definitive contribution to international relations in the 21st century, Cyprus presents the ultimate challenge.

The ultimate challenge is not simply the reduction of tensions or the defusing of crises: it is the creation of a comprehensive architecture of pace in SE Europe, so that the language of force is no longer legitimate. Our objective is to establish a framework of principles and rules, of justice and democracy, which will take effect throughout the region. If Turkey will commit to these values, and Europe is determined to uphold them, Greece will prove to be Turkey’s strongest ally at the EU negotiating table.

Greece and Turkey each have a vital role to play in SE Europe individually; but only common goals and common interests can ensure a more permanent peace and steady growth. NATO, Europe, and the Middle East peace process will be strengthened as a result.

Rapprochement is a long and difficult process. But Greece is committed to tackling a process that will bring long-term benefits, not only to Greece and Turkey, but to the whole of Europe. A high proportion of our budget is currently spent on defence, at the expense of education, health, and other social policies. The ability to channel resources into these areas would hare positive developments for stability throughout SE Europe. The gates to heaven have not opened - but a new path, leading to new prospects, surely has.

Since I became Foreign Minister of Greece a year ago, I have consistently pursued a foreign policy of regional co-operation, based on mutual understanding and mutual interests. Greece has always argued that three factors - security, development, and stability - must prevail in SE Europe. Only democratic development throughout the region can prevent the emergence of new and potentially explosive ideological and ethnic divisions. Our political objective is to secure a European perspective for the region.

With the advent of globalisation, we have had to learn afresh how to deal with our neighbours - both within and beyond our national borders. With the crisis in Kosovo so close to home, the Greek people are painfully aware of the importance of good neighbourly relations. We are helping our neighbours take the first steps on the difficult path leading to European integration. Why? Because we believe our neighbour’s strength is our strength.

As frontiers lose their relevance, every citizen -whether Greek, Turk, or Cypriot, German, Bulgarian, or Italian- should play a part in shaping our collective future. How can we foster active participation in today’s multi-cultural society and promote regional cooperation? By defending principles and adopting methods that respond not just to national interests, but also to wider international needs.