Images from Albania
A.SYRIGOS (issue XXXIX)
The vlach-speakers of Korytsa and the Albanian elections
A. MITSOPOULOS (issue XXXVI)
Kalashnikov democracy in Albania
K.I.HATZIDAKIS (issue XXXIV)
A new approach to the Albanian elections
C. HOLEVAS (issue XXXIV)
The era of Change and the wisdom of the Ancient (Chinese)
S.VRETOS (issue XXXIII)
Four questions -four answers about the events in Albania
Ch.LAZARIDES (issue XXXIII)
Some peace is needed in «Omonia»
A. SYRIGOS (issue XXXIII)
The Near Abroad and Politics
A.D.PAPAYANNIDES (issue XXXII)
A different reading of Greek-Albanian relations
A.SYRIGOS (issue XXXII)
Albania as a «new Bosnia»? Not impossible
Th. MITSOU (issue XXVI)
Albania and military presence
A.SYRIGOS (issue XXI)
Teachings of international practice and the Greek impasse
Ch.LAZARIDIS (issue XX)
Radical change must come to Albania before the elections
Y.DIMITRIADIS (issue XX)
Of gangs and policemen in Albania
A.SYRIGOS (issue XX)
Where are they those invading Albanians?
EPHIALTES (issue ×IX)
Albania: new opportunities or new temptations?
Ed. (issue XVÉÉI)
The uprising of the Albanian South and the antonomy demands
Y.DIMITRIADIS (issue XVÉÉI)
Greece, a country with no strategy
Ch.LAZARIDIS (issue XVÉÉI)
Artificial States burn beautifully
C.HOLEVAS (issue XVIII)
Midnight strikes for Albania
R.PESHQEPIA (issue XVÉÉ)
Albania: a case of multiple collapses
C.HOLEVAS (issue XVÉÉ)
ISSUE ×XXIX
The Greek Foreign Affairs Minister and his Albanian counterpart sign in front of the TV
cameras an agreement concerning migrants and work permits: the agreement had been
already signed months ago, also ratified by Parliament; so the signature was just for the
benefit of TV audiences. In the border regions, police detachments look for illegal
immigrants, even using helicopters; but the flow of illegals continues undiminished.
Visas for Greece are changing hands at considerable cost to prospective migrants, while
the Greek consular authorities know nothing of the matter. Albanians hear Greek music,
they build in the same anarchic way of post-War Greece. Such are the images from
today’s Albania.
ISSUE ×XXVI
The vlach-speakers of Korytsa and the Albanian elections
The interesting showing of the vlach-speaking, Greek-extraction minority at the polls of the recent
Albanian elections bring to the fore the fate of their ethnic group, which has resisted efforts at assimilation
from Romania, the Catholic hierarchy or even Caritas to try and keep its own identity.
ISSUE ×XXIV
Kalashnikov democracy in Albania
The immediate experience of a Euro-MP who has been an observer to the recent
elections in Albania speaks of a country that is in disarray, of the collapse of law and the
rule of gangs armed (as most Albanians are) with Kalashnikovs. But the elections have
been to a large extent fair, at least for a country where most people proceed to "family
voting".
As to the electoral results, the victory of the Socialists should not mask the fact that Sali
Berisha's Democratic Party remains quite strong, while there has been also strong support
for the monarchy. Albanians are now expecting miracles from the Fatos Nano
Government and any disappointment may prove politically fatal for him. The Greek
minority has not been successful in getting important representation: this is due to
internal discord, to the low level of electoral participation of emigrants who work in
Greece - but also to ill advised and ever-changing policy that Athens has been applying to
Greek - Abanian relations.
A new approach to the Albanian elections
It is not so easy to find the winners of the recent elections in Albania. The Socialists of
Fatos Nano have secured almost 2/3 of the seats in Parliament (along with their allies),
but they are tainted by their having governed along with the Democrats of Sali Berisha in
the caretaker government of the last 3 months and they now have to perform up to the
expectations of the victims of the collapsed "pyramid" savings schemes, of the South
insurrection Commandantes etc. Greek-speaking and Vlach-speaking Greek minority
elements have not been as unsuccessful in the polls as many are too ready to accept: but
for the minority to earn better conditions, Greece should exert pressure to the new
Albanian Government.
ISSUE ×XXIII
The era of Change and the wisdom of the Ancient (Chinese)
These are days of change throughout the world: Hong Kong has reverted to (mainland)
Chinese sovereignty and the experiment «one country, two systems» starts for good;
Turkey has lost its Islamist -controlled government and tries once more a Kemalist
approach; Greek-Turkish relations have taken a new dip; the Berisha years seem to have
ended in Albania where the Socialists of Fatos Nano try to keep the country together. In
Greece, the unthinkable has happened: entrepreneur Sokratis Kokkalis has thrown a salvo
against Industry Minister Vasso Papandreou who was supposed to be quite close to his
business strategy. In a more routine move, P.M. Costas Simitis has once more espoused a
left-sounding language stating that «casino capitalism threatens the very democratic core
of society».
An era of change, indeed. But Chinese wisdom teaches that truth is not always what is
visible.
Four questions -four answers about the events in Albania
Recent elections and electoral results in Albania - the setback for Sali Berisha and the
victory of Fatos Nanos Socialists - have been largely misunderstood by Greek foreign
policy. It is true that a period of crisis has ended in Albania: but the armed North may
prove now as dangerous for Mr Nano, as the armed South has been for Mr. Berisha. It is
also true that Athens has recently favoured the Socialists, but earlier it has been a staunch
supporter of Sali Berisha´memories run long in Albania.
The poor electoral showing of the Human Rights Union where much of Northern-Epirus
supporters had given their allegiance has made many people wonder whether the
minority would not be better off in the mainstream Albanian parties. This approach is
wrong: it is the politics of Athens that has brought discard to the minority. The minority
should be helped without any tendency to exercise political control over it. Whatever
senario proves true in after-election Albania, the Souths economic integration to the
Greek economy will remain a fact. Athens should be wiser in its diplomatic moves than it
had been when it kept supporting Sali Berisha during the early phases of the insurrection
in the South, so as not to block the spontaneous trends that are favourable to Greek
elements.
Some peace is needed in «Omonia»
The «Omonia» political organisation that was formed in early 1991 by Greek minority
elements in Albania has suffered from the shortsightedness of Athens diplomacy and also
from internal quarrels and dissent over the immediate and longer-range goals of the
organisation. In the May 1996 elections, many of the minority voters had preferred to cast
their vote for mianstream Albanian parties (mainly the Socialists); when most Opposition
parties denounced the «Berisha elections», Omonia politicians were split over the stance
that should be kept. Under such circumstances, nobody should be surprised with the bad
showing of Omonia -sponsored candidates in the latest elections. Now the problem is
how to change course and rehabilitate the credibility of Omonia.
ISSUE XXXII
The Near Abroad and Politics
Elections in nearby Albania proceeding amid armed bands and insurrection remind to
Greeks that they live in a Balkan setting - even if their Government manages to invite a
quorum of European Socialist leaders to spread the Gospel of a socially - sensitive course
to EMU and the common currency.
Meanwhile, and while Greece tries to face the major issues of its foreign policy, all the
main actors have to understand an essential point: at every point of time, the policy
devised must take into account the exact equilibrium created by all previous policy
moves. It may seem evident, but this is an aspect that is often missed by most policy-
makers who stand by old precepts and react on the basis of old reflexes.
A different reading of Greek-Albanian relations
Some months ago, there had been a wave of Albanian Mafia attacks against boats at the
Ionian Sea followed by shootings etc: at some point, even a small warship was taken (to
be returned later after an undisclosed behind-the-scenes deal with the perpetrators). At
some time, the Greek Navy got tired of this situation and started to shoot back, blasting a
fast boat of the Albanian Mafia out of the water. Sure enough, the attacks of the mafiosi
soon afterwards showed a marked decline.
ISSUE XXVI
Albania as a «new Bosnia»? Not impossible
In a discussion of An. Mitsopoulos with Human Rights Union M.P. Thomas Mitsou, the
normalisation perspectives of Albania are deemed slight. The North-South rift has not
been surpassed, disarming of citizens has not really progressed; the elections planned will
certainly take place under explosive conditions. Greece should have actively demanded
to be allowed to station its military detachment of the multinational force in Albania to
the South, so as to provide direct support to its minority: Romania has been stationing its
own force in the South where it is actively trying to enlist Vlachs.
ISSUE XXI
Albania and military presence
Participation of a Greek military detachment to the peace-keeping force that
will be operating within three weeks in Albania has been full of hesitations.
The peace-keeping force has started with several handicaps: Italian
participation brings along past colonial memories and fears of economic neo-
colonialism, while the overall approval of the population should not be
considered as granted. Planning for the stationing of the Greek force started
with Tirana - that is with a region clearly away from the South where the
Greek minority and Greek interests are implanted. Later on, there was talk of
stationing the Greek force in Tirana, but letting it operate in Vlora and
Girokaster. The peace - keeping operations will clearly be a complicated
matter.
ISSUE XX
Teachings of international practice and the Greek impasse
Two schools of thought ruled international relations in the Fifties and the
Sixties, as to policy to be followed against authoritarian Third World regimes.
The one was conservative and was using arguments of international stability,
the other liberal and was using long-term control arguments. The synthesis of
these theories came from an unexpected source: Ronald Reagan applied a
tough stance against the Soviet Union, but managed to push Latin American
dictatorships to effective democratisation.
Meanwhile, during the Sixties and the Seventies, the Ostpolitik doctrine of
economic penetration instead of military force projection failed to make
permanent headway in Europe. It was Chancellor Kohl who established a
new synthesis of equal economic and political presence, having accepted that
an imbalance of such factors only leads to weakness.
While these teachings of international practice are well-know, Greek foreign
policy has accepted to be led from impasse to impasse by its nervous
reactions. Greece thought that to support instable regimes (as in Albania and
in the FYROM) was «security strategy»; that «economic penetration» could
work in a region where total loss of assets is probable (as in Albania) and
where «pyramid» investment schemes can collapse in a matter of days. All in
all, while Greece belongs to Europe it tends to behave as if it were a Balkan
statelet.
Radical change must come to Albania before the elections
The Secretary General of the Albanian Socialist Party Petro Cotzi expresses in an
interview to Samizdat the view that elections should not take place in Albania
unless the social situation is normalised. But foreign armed intervention to
that effect is a means that should be used with great caution, if negative side-
effects are to be avoided from a sensitive and increasingly nervous population.
Of gangs and policemen in Albania
There is a tradition in Albania to award to dynamic elements that at some
point are presented as gangs the very task of policing and keeping the peace
in times of turmoil. This is what the Baskim Fino government is doing right
now, so as to get a grip on the anarchic situation prevailing in the country.
The main problem now is how to disarm the population in time for the
parliamentary elections to have a meaning; also how to give some effective
help to Albanians who have lost their shirt with the collapse of the "pyramid"
investment schemes.
ISSUE XIX
Where are they those invading Albanians?
Greece has had recently a tendency to exaggerate its role in the Balkan countries. While
the self-image has been projected of Greece being the main attractive power for
Albanians fleeing civil war and misery, in fact the wave of migrants was directed to
Italian shores rather than Greek borders. And whatever political influence has been
exercised in the Albanian crisis has not been the fact of Athens. Maybe Greece should
accept that, after all, its importance is lesser than its thinks.
ISSUE XVÉÉÉ
Albania: new opportunities or new temptations?
Ed.
The Albanian issue is very important for Greece; still, its foreign policy apparatus has
been quite timid as of lately, after earlier misguided hyperactivity. Since the traditional
poles of the international system try to stay away from a potential Albanian morass, they
nudge their regional partners (Greece, Italy) towards peace-keeping intervention so as to
stabilise the situation in Albania; this might prove too much of a temptation for Greece to
resist.
The uprising of the Albanian South and the antonomy demands
Greece has applied a strange foreign policy against Albania, sticking with the falling
Berisha regime to the point that it has made its own minority unpleasant to the insurgent
South Albanians who had expected the minority would join them in their uprising against
Berisha. Meanwhile, the revolt in the South has been gaining speed and autonomy
demands are being voiced regularly-with the Greek minority in a marginalised role. Thus,
while the uprising in the South is (and will be) attributed in a large measure to the Greek
minority, in fact the Greek authorities have tried all along to distance themselves even
from actions of humanitarian support to the minority - which feels biteer and left out in
the cold.
Greece, a country with no strategy
Greek foreign policy when faced with the Albanian problem has constantly been one
step behind the events as they were unfolding in the nearby country. At the same time,
Italy was taking initiatives to the point of negotiating with individual cities of the South
so as to avoid a spillover of the refugee problem across the Adriatic. As things have been
left to rot, the only real solution is for Greece to propose _ in close consultation with her
European and Atlantic partners _ a security zone in the South of Albania. Such a zone
should be declared as a temporary measure and run in close co-operation with other
States, such as Italy, as well as with international and E.U. bodies and institutions.
Artificial States burn beautifully
One interesting aspect of the Albanian meltdown is that the unitary character of
Albania has been revealed a fiction. Albania cracks under the strain of its own
artificiality - North and South are radically different and, once the violence that kept
them together has vanished, drift once more apart.
The same thing happened to Coat-Muslim Bosnia, the same goes for the FYROM;
what with be the future of the major multiracial entity of the region that has been
portraying ifself as a unitary State, i.e. Turkey?
ISSUE XVÉÉ
Midnight strikes for Albania
Is it revolution or mob rule that we are witnessing in Albania? The real answer is «a little
of each»; the Albanian uprising has economic roots (the savings lost in the collapsed
«pyramid» schemes), political objectives (the downfall of the Berisha regime that has
been establishing a totalitarian rule after the May 1996 elections), even criminal motives
(looting used as compensation for the losses in «pyramid» schemes)..
The Berisha regime has all the trapping of an authoritarian system. The support that the
West has been affording to Berisha emboldened him in that direction-especially so the
fact that the electoral parody of 1996 has been largely condoned by western European
countries that look at Albania with colonial condescendence. The uprising happened
mainly in the Sout. One reason is that the South is more open and affluent and thus has
lost far more in the «pyramid» schemes; another is that Sali Berisha and his cadre of
supporters (but also most of the secret police) come from the North. These parameters
make almost incoprehensible the position of the Greek Government towards the Berisha
regime, a position of overall tolerance if not of support - that has not successful been in
gaining some better treatment for the Greek minority in Albania.